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What Explains the Failure of the DOHA Trade Negotiations? What lessons can the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) learn from the failure of the Doha Trade Negotiations?

By Godfrey Onen Omony Kerali

Introduction.

The Doha trade round was declared dead by some scholars when deadlines were missed several times until 2006 when the agreement came to an impasse. And as the trade negotiations stayed dormant for 7 years from 2008, the Doha Rounds finally came to an end in 2015 during the Nairobi ministerial meeting when trade ministers from more than 160 countries failed to agree that they should keep the negotiations going(Financial Times December 2015, New York Times January 2016, Lester, 2016).

This paper aims to explain the Doha trade round based on liberal trade theory/liberalism principles; the failure of the Doha trade round and lessons learned, and conclusion.

Theoretical Framework.

To understand the Doha Trade Round, it is imperative to understand the establishment of World Trade Organization (WTO) under which the Doha operated, and the establishment of the Doha Trade Round all of which are based on the principles of liberal trade theory. 

Liberal Trade Theory advocates a free market approach with minimal or no political interference from states, to ensure efficient allocation of resources, and maximum growth. It emphasizes trade liberalization which is the removal of restrictions or barriers to trade tariffs, such as duties and surcharges, and non-tariff barriers, such as licensing rules and quotas between states in order to promote free trade. Liberalism also advocates for international cooperation in matters regarding trade, economic governance and dispute resolution. However, it is also significant to note that, liberal trade theory does not critique the basic underlying assumptions of the liberal paradigm as it does not for instance enquire into the origin of comparative advantage such as how different cost structures are initially established. Liberal trade theory is also prescriptive as it suggests that the welfare of individual states and that of the world would improve if countries produce goods and services based on their comparative advantage(O’Brien & Williams 2016).

The Doha Trade Round.

The Doha Trade Round was the latest round of trade negotiations among the WTO membership commenced in November 2001. Its aim was to achieve major reform of the international trading system through the introduction of lower trade barriers and revised trade rules in order to facilitate increased global trade. The main aim of the DOHA Trade Negotiations was to facilitate the trade in agricultural products of develpoing countries dependent on the export of agricultural products. The Doha  began with a ministerial-level meeting in Doha, Qatar from 9 November to 14 November 14, 2001, trade ministers from member countries met in Doha during which they agreed to undertake a new round of multilateral trade negotiations. Because the Doha Trade Round also incorporated development as the core issue in contrast to the previous rounds and the greater influence of developing countries in setting the plan of action at Doha,  the Doha Trade Round came to be known aslo as The Doha Development Agenda(DDA). The Doha Declaration set a deadline for conclusion of agreements on all trade negotiations by January 2005. The developed countries represented by the the United States (US), European Union (EU), Canada, and Japan, while the major developing and emerging countries were represented mainly by China, Brazil, India, and South Africa. However, progress of the trade negotiations was stalled after the breakdown of the July 2008 negotiations. Despite the breakdown of negotiations, there were repeated attempts to revive the talks, but without success. Intense negotiations, mostly between the US, China, and India, were held at the end of 2008 seeking agreement on negotiation modalities, an impasse which was not resolved. During the Doha Trade Round, there were negotiations in specific areas of importance notably market access for agriculture, services, and non-agricultural market access (NAMA) products; trade-related aspects of intellectual property; Special and Differential Treatment (S&D); trade facilitation; WTO rules; improvements to Dispute Settlement Understanding. These negotiations were held under the auspices of subsequent ministerial meetings took place in Doha, Qatar in 2001,Cancún, Mexico in 2003, Hong Kong in 2005, Geneva, Switzerland in 2008, Bali in 2013, and the last one in Nairobi in 2015 (WTO,2022). Hence, the aims of the Doha Trade Round and the thematic areas it covers follows the principles of liberal trade theory /liberalism described in the introduction section as it advocates for removal of barriers to trade, promotes international cooperation in order to facilitate free t

 Thematic Areas of  Doha Trade Round.

Agriculture was one of the most important areas of negotiation because it makes up the backbone of many developing and least developed countries, and it is important for global food security. It is important to note that, negotiations on agriculture began as early as 2000 under Article 20 of the WTO Agriculture Agreement (WTO,2022) which had been required under the last round of multilateral trade negotiations in the Uruguay Round of Talk, (1986-1994). However, some members, including the United States, wanted to expand the agriculture and services talks to allow trade-offs in order to achieve greater trade liberalization. Under agriculture, negotiation was aimed at reducing agricultural trade barriers, the elimination of agricultural export subsidies, cuts in trade-distorting domestic subsidies, major improvements in market access for manufactured goods from developed countries, and more open trade in services (Congressional Research Service Report, 2012, Patnaik, J. K., & Patnaik, J. K., 2007, Schwab, 2011, WTO,2022). The Doha trade round aimed to eliminate agricultural export subsidies by 2013 (Ayub Mahmood 2007).

To implement Non-Agricultural Products Market Access (NAMA), trade ministers negotiated to reduce or eliminate tariffs on industrial or primary products, with particular focus on tariff peaks(tariff rates above 15% often to protect sensitive products from competition). The negotiation further aimed to reduce the incidence of non-tariff barriers such as import licensing, quotas and other quantitative import restrictions, conformity assessment procedures, and technical barriers to trade especially for developing and least-developed countries (Congressional Research Service Report, 2012, Wise & Studer, 2016: 158). While in the liberalization of services trade, negotiations were held on labour mobility from the developing countries to developed countries so as to achieve considerable benefits such as high-tech and managerial skills in order to achieve human capital development.

The negotiation on Trade-related aspects of intellectual property (TRIPS) was centred on the licensing of medicines and patent protection which involved the delicate balancing of interests between the pharmaceutical companies in developed member countries that held patents on medicines, on one side, and the public health needs in developing countries. The Doha declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health recognized that WTO Members with insufficient or no manufacturing capabilities in the pharmaceutical industry could face difficulties in making effective use of compulsory licensing under the TRIPS Agreement (Congressional Research Service Report, 2012).

As the WTO General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) commits member countries to enter into negotiations on specific issues and to enter into successive rounds of negotiations to progressively liberalize trade in services (WTO,2022), the negotiations on Special and Differential Treatment (S&D) for developing countries was taken up at the Doha ministerial meeting and declared that special and differential treatment is an integral part of the WTO agreement as this would give developing countries longer periods for implementing agreements, require that all WTO member countries to safeguard the trade interests of developing countries, and provide the much needed finance to build the infrastructure, institutions and mechanisms needed to handle disputes and implement technical standards in developing countries (Amadeo, 2021).

Trade facilitation in the Doha trade round was part of the Singapore issue during the 1996 ministerial meeting(transparency in government procurement, trade facilitation, trade and investment, and trade and competition) that was pushed at successive ministerial meetings by  Japan and Korea, and the European Union, but was opposed by many developing countries, while the United States accepted some or all of the issues but at various times, and prefered negotiation on market access. The trade facilitation issue aimed at improving the efficiency of international trade, the harmonization and streamlining of customs procedures such as duplicate documentation requirements, processing delays, and unequally enforced importation procedures, rules and requirements in member countries(Congressional Research Service Report, 2012, WTO,2022). The ministerial declaration also recognized the need and urgency for enhanced technical support and capacity building in this area(WTO,2022).

In negotiating the WTO rules, the Doha Round focussed on clarifying and improving discipline under the WTO agreements on antidumping and subsidies. Of particular interest was fisheries subsidies which is of utmost importance to developing countries and least-developed countries. This was taken up by a group of 15 developed and developing countries notably Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Hong Kong, Israel, Japan, Mexico, Norway, Singapore, South Korea, Switzerland, Taiwan, Thailand, and Turkey as they opposed the use of antidumping actions by the United States and other developed nations as disguised protectionism . Although they made numerous proposals to reduce the antidumping and amount of duties, this required a change in U.S. laws which was beyond the capacity of the Doha Round of Trade (Congressional Research Service Report, 2012).

In negotiating improvements to Dispute Settlement Understanding(DSU),members agreed that negotiations should be based on the work already done with room for any additional recommendations for better settlement of trade disputes(Congressional Research Service Report, 2012, Amadeo, 2021). They aimed to agree on improvements and clarifications in May 2003, at which time steps shall be taken to ensure that the results enter into force as soon as possible(Congressional Research Service Report, 2012).

Why did the Doha trade round collapse?

In explaining the merciful death of the Doha Round of Trade negotiations, this paper will refer to the thematic areas of negotiation, and the ministerial meetings between 2001 and 2015 during which the negotiations were held. Although member countries agreed they would reach a single, comprehensive agreement containing a balance of concessions at the end of the negotiations, the negotiations proceeded at a slow pace and characterized by lack of progress on important issues and persistent disagreement between developed and developing countries on nearly every aspect of the agenda. Although few issues were resolved, they were mostly in agriculture. Important to note is that, the negotiation of modalities, or the methods and formulas by which negotiations are conducted, remained elusive many years after the beginning of the round of negotiaitons. The stalled, dragged on and leading to the failure of the Doha negotiation. The failure of the Doha negotiation is attributed to the following factors despite the intense and promising negotiations during Doha ministerial conference (2001),Cancun ministerial conference (2003),Hong Kong Ministerial Meeting (2005), Geneva Ministerial Meeting (2008), Bali Ministerial Meeting (2013),Nairobi Ministerial Meeting (2015). 

The members were not able to resolve their differences over the Singapore issues (transparency in government procurement, trade facilitation, trade and investment, and trade and competition) backed Japan and Korea, and the European Union(EU), and strongly opposed by many developing countries, while the United States prefered negotiation on market access. Although the EU reduced some if its demands, several developing countries still refused any consideration of the issues(Congressional Research Service Report, 2012).

The wide divide between developing and developed countries across all areas of negotiation was a major obstacle. A good example was the U.S and EU agricultural proposals and that of the Group of 20, that had differently diverging approaches to special and differential treatment. The EU and developing countries wanted the US to reduce it’s domestic subsidies to $ 22.5 billion or below, although the EU prefered a US subsidies to stand at $ 15 billion or even less (Ayub Mahmood, 2007). These led to the eventual collapse of Cancun ministerial conference (September 10-14, 2003) as it ended without agreement on a framework to guide future trade negotiations, and the agreed deadline of January 1, 2005 was not be met.

The 20-20- 20 proposal for the United States to accept a ceiling on domestic farm subsidies under $20 billion, a 54% minimum average cut to developed country agricultural tariffs, and a tariff ceiling of 20% for developing country industrial tariffs was met with criticism by all sides and was not adopted at the Geneva meetings. This led to the collapse of the  Geneva ministerial conference. Lack of consensus by developed and developing countries on agreement on modalities to submit tariff schedules for agriculture and NAMA, the revised services offers, and a consolidated texts on rules and trade facilitation led to the collapse of Hong Kong  ministerial conference as the deadline of end of 2006 conclude all negotiations was not met(Congressional Research Service Report, 2012).

The negotiations on Special and Differential Treatment (S&D) was also split along a developing countries – developed countries line. SDT Treatment has become a more complex issue and area of contention in recent years as a number of developing countries have become increasingly competitive such that both industrialized developed countries and the developing countries have become more reluctant to consider Singapore, South Korea, Brazil, China, and India as developing countries. This led to developed countries less willing to offer SDT to major developing countries. Even some landlocked and small developing countries wanted to create additional categories of SDT for lower-income countries which are not always accepted by developed countries. This explains why it was difficult to reach consensus on STDs. As a result, two deadlines were missed for making significant recommendations on SDT. And to benefit from SDT gains, developing countries needed to offer concessions on other issue areas in return.  Hence with the suspension of Doha Round negotiations, the status of these proposed STD became uncertain thereby leading to the failure of the Doha Trade Round (The International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Development (ICTSD) and the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), February 25, 2003: 1-4, Wise & Studer, 2016: 155).

The Doha negotiation on  trade-related aspects of intellectual property failed because the U.S. argued that the TRIPS draft did not include enough protections against possible misuse of compulsory licenses. The US also sought a limit on the diseases that would be covered by the TRIPS draft, but rejected by other countries refused. The United States further opposed the TRIPS draft’s promised not to bring up a dispute case against developing countries that issued compulsory licenses for certain medicines. Developed countries further argued that more advanced developing countries could use the generic medicines to develop their own pharmaceutical industries despite the proposal for countries to voluntarily opt-out or promise not to use compulsory licensing(Congressional Research Service Report, 2012).

The weight of different and diverging state interests, and the frustration caused by the Doha stalemate forced member countries to negotiate bilateral and regional trade agreements because of their ease of negotiation: the United States in particular, pursued a series of bilateral talks with advanced developing countries aimed at determining what specific market access commitments those countries could offer thereby leaving developing countries without any offer to negotiate and re-negotiate. Hence the United States concluded the Trans-Pacific Partnership with Japan, Vietnam and nine other countries; the US and the European Union negotiated the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership; while China (a non-party to the Trans-Pacific Partnership), signed many bilateral and regional trade agreements and proposed a 16-country trade agreements that included India and Japan in. This led to the failure of the Doha Trade Round (New York Times, 2016). It can be argued that, the Doha Trade Round killed itself by dragging on negotiations for a long time and not meeting deadlines.

Failure to make fundamental concessions by developed countries espcially US and the EU countries and developing countries like China and India contributed to the failure of the Doha Trade Round. After the inception of the Doha trade round, the US and EU committed to trade agreements that promoted development in poorer countries without demanding them to reduce import barriers at the same level as industrialized developed countries. But as developing countries, particularly China’s and India’s exports exceeded their imports, rich countries started to demand China and India to lower their import barriers and cut subsidies to their farmers. This was rejected by both China and India and both insisted on sticking with the original principles. This caused huge disagreements between developed countries and China and India thereby resulting in stalemates and the eventual failure of the Doha Trade Round ( New York Times, 2016).

Domestic Politics. The wealthy developed countries faced the furry of strong domestic lobbies in agriculture, textiles, steel, and other older sectors of the economy, thereby creating pressure for trade distorting restrictions of various kinds including subsidies, tariffs, quotas, voluntary export restraints, and the like. Because of these political constraints, governments of developed countries were not able to sustain processes of economic liberalization needed to facilitate international trade (Ravenhill, 2017:54) as they prioritized their political survival to the Doha trade round.

The geopolitical and geoeconomic tension between rising and powerful member states also takes credit for the failure of the Doha Trade Round. The stalemate in the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations reflected the rising tensions between old and new powers and the challenges of continuity and shift in the international order. The Doha Trade Round epitomized the new geopolitics of multilateralism. The difficulty of reaching a consensus on trade negotiations after many years was a symptom and an early warning of the emerging and widening global governance gap in the international system (Baracuhy, 2012). The rise of China, Brazil and India has had an impact on the WTO negotiations as the resultant geoeconomic change has affected the negotiating structure and processes of the Doha Trade Round such that, the US can no longer shape the international trading regime to suit it’s objectives and interests. Hence the impasse between the old and rising powers continued to generate tensions and frustrations  in the Doha Trade Round leading to the failure of the negotiation (Baracuhy, 2012). The trade war between the US and China  characterized by imposition and ncounter-imposition of tariffs also brought the Doha Trade Round to a stalemate as each side never wanted to reduce tariffs in the round of negotiations, that would benefit the other. However, despite the geopolitical and geoeconomic tension between old and rising power, some progress were still made in the Doha Trade Round. This is seen in the continued round of talks during the Bali ministerial conference in 2013, and Nairobi ministerial conference in 2015.  

However, despite the failure of the Doha Trade Round, developing countries in particular need WTO-monitored comprehensive multilateral trade agreements in order to secure global market access for their products to enable them earn more export revenue to increase their GDP and fund their development projects. WTO-monitored comprehensive multilateral services trade agreements would also enhance their capacity building and promote human capital development. Perhaps the Doha Trade Round was called off prematurely by the WTO.   

What Lessons can The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) learn the failure of the Doha Trade Negotiations?

 Following the collpase of the Doha Trade Negotiations, The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) can pick a leaf from the achievements and failure of the Doha Trade Round as some some lessons were drawn.  The Doha did not have a clear direction and a better sense of which elements of global governance to cover, and which are covered by other organizations. This applies not just  to agriculture, but to a wide range of economic policy areas. The Doha Agenda was complex to run and manage as it involved a set of many developed and developing countries with different geopolitical and geoeconomic interests, different political and economic systems bundled together in the Doha structure, with complex set of tariff formulas, nonn-tariff formulas (Tarasofsky and Palmer, 2006). Perhaps the Doha Agenda would not have failed if all the member countries were liberal democracies, with similar economic systems based on liberal principles as it would have made the governing of the organization slightly easier as it would be easier to reach consensus. The failure of the Doha Trade Negotiations is there a lesson for The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to negotiate both bilateral and multilateral trade deals as a single entity with one voice  with pre-determined terms favourbale to the member countries.

Conclusion

This paper shows that the Doha Trade Round failed because of a combination of several reasons both within and beyond the control of ministerial talks and the WTO; the talks stalled and the negotiations failed under the weight of disagreements, geopolitical and geoeconomic tensions. Nevertheless some progress was made and Doha trade round lasted from 2001-2015 showing some resilience of the WTO and Doha Agenda and the success of liberal principles because trade was liberalized and the volume of trade increased although not as much as if the trade negotiations had not taken long and stalled, and even after the terrorist attack on the USA in november 2001 and during the global financial crisis of 2008 as resources and attention were diverted towards the global fight against international terrorism and bailing out the global economy.

References

Amadeo Kimberly, 2021: Doha Round of Trade Talks. The Real Reason Why It Failed

Available at:

https://www.thebalancemoney.com/what-is-the-doha-round-of-trade-talks-330 -Accessed 27 August 2025.

Ayub Mahmood, 2007: The Doha Round: Where are we Headed? International Conference on Business, Management and Economics: Yaşar University

Available online at:

https://www.mfa.gov.tr/the-doha-round_-where-are-we-headed_-.tr.mfa-Accessed 27 August 2025.

Baracuhy, B. (2012). Running into a Brick Wall: The WTO Doha Round, Governance Gap and Geopolitical Risks. Global Policy, 3, 108-110.

Capling and Trommer (2017) In Ravenhill, J. (ed) Global Political Economy.                                Oxford University Press: Oxford 5th Edition.

Cohn H. Theodore (2016) In Wise, Carol & Studer, Isabel (ed). Requiem or Revival? The Promise of North American Intergration

Congressional Research Service Report, 15 November 2012: World Trade Organization Negotiations: The Doha Development Agenda. RL32060.

Financial Times, 21 December 2015: The Doha round finally dies a merciful death.

Available at:

https://www.ft.com/content/9cb1ab9e-a7e2-11e5-955c-1e1d6de94879 -Accessed 28 August 2025.

Lester, S. (2016). Is the Doha Round Over? The WTO's Negotiating Agenda for 2016 and Beyond. International Political Economy: Trade Policy eJournal.

New York Times, 01 January 2016: Global Trade After the Failure of the Doha Round.

Available at:

https://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/01/opinion/global-trade-after-the-failure-of-the-doha-round.html - Accessed 28 August 2025.

O'Brien, Robert & Williams, Marc, (2016) Global Political Economy : Evolution & Dynamics. 5th revised and updated edition: Palgrave

Patnaik, J. K., & Patnaik, J. K. (2007). The Doha Round of World Trade Negotiations: A Preview and Perspective (A developing country analysis). The Indian Journal of Political Science, 68(3), 547–560.

Ravenhill (2017) In Ravenhill, J. (ed) Global Political Economy. Oxford University Press: Oxford 5th Edition

Schwab, S. C. (2011). After Doha: Why the Negotiations Are Doomed and What We Should Do About It. Foreign Affairs, 90(3), 104–117. Council on Foreign Relations.

Tarasofsky, R., & Palmer, A. (2006). The WTO in Crisis: Lessons Learned from the Doha Negotiations on the Environment. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), 82(5), 899–915.

The Doha Round. World Trade Organiztion, 2022.

Available at:

https://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/agric_e/negoti_e.htm - Accessed 27 August 2025. 

The International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Development (ICTSD) and the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), February 25, 2003. Developments Since the Fourth WTO Ministerial Conference: Special and Differential Treatment

Available at:

https://www.iisd.org/system/files/publications/wto_doha_treatment.pdf - Accessed 28 August 2025.

Between 1980 and 2018, Africa lost 1.3 trillion US dollars to corruption/illicit financial flows (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, November 12, 2024). Africa loses 120 billion US dollars to corruption every year (The East Africa, ,June 18, 2025).  Africa loses 25% of GDP to corruption every year (africa24tv, 23 May 2025). Institutionalized corruption in African countries has led to, and still lead to severe and far-reaching negative impacts on the poor people, exacerbating poverty, inequality, and social injustice and death, which I explore below:

1. Reduced or no access to resources: corruption diverts money meant for public services (healthcare, education, infrastructure) into private pockets, leaving the poor without essential support. This has led to increased mortality rates due to lack of medication, inability by the poor to travel to specialized hospitals due to poor transportation infrastructure and systems. This is clearly presented in "The Impact of Infectious Diseases on the Development of Africa "( Boutayeb. A, 2010 , Transparency International 2024).

2. Increased Cost of Living: bribery in government services (police, permits, utilities) has forced, and forces the poor to pay extra fees from their meagre disposable income leaving without income to pay for necessities of life (Njangang, H., Asongu, S. A., & Mouchili, E. 2024).

3. Land and Property Theft : Corrupt officials and elites often seize land from vulnerable communities without fair compensation. This aggravates poverty and leave the poor without income to afford the necessities of life (Hope, K.R. 2000, Transparency International 2024).

4. Poor quality and lack of Public Services, Healthcare Deficiencies: Stolen funds lead to understaffed hospitals, lack of medicines, and higher mortality rates among the poor (Hope, K.R. 2000, Njangang, H., Asongu, S. A., & Mouchili, E. 2024, Transparency International 2024).

5. Barriers to Education: Many schools in impoverished areas in Africa lack resources and proper structures.making it difficult for the poor to attain good quality of education. Illiteracy perpetuates and reinforces a vicious cycle of poverty (Hope, K.R. 2000, Njangang, H., Asongu, S. A., & Mouchili, E. 2024, Transparency International 2024). This has prevented human capital development, research and development in innovation and technology.

6. Poor Infrastructure: Roads, water systems, and electricity projects are neglected or poorly executed when public funds are embezzled, making daily life such as commuting to hospitals, schools, job centres, difficult for the poor. Corruption has made it extremely difficult for African countries to achieve even a quarter of each of the 17 United Nations Sustainable development goals (Hope, K.R. 2000, Njangang, H., Asongu, S. A., & Mouchili, E. 2024, Transparency International 2024).

In brief, institutionalized corruption has violated the human rights of the poor people of Africa and made it difficult to achieve all the 17 United Nations Sustainable Development Goals - a strong ground for the United Nations to declare corruption a "Grave abuse of Human Rights". 

References

Africa24tv, 23 May 2025. Africa loses 25% of GDP to corruption every year (africa24tv, 23 May 2025). Available online at: https://africa24tv.com/africa-corruption-nearly-25-of-gdp-lost-yearly

Boutayeb, A. (2010) The Impact of Infectious Diseases on the Development of Africa. In: Preedy, V.R. and Watson, R.R., Eds., Handbook of Disease Burdens and Quality of Life Measures, Springer, Berlin, 1171-1188. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-78665-0_66

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, November 12, 2024. African Strategies to Combat Illicit Financial Flows: Available online at: https://carnegieendowment.org/research/2024/11/illicit-financial-flows-africa-tax?lang=en.

Hope, K.R. (2000). Corruption and Development in Africa. In: Hope, K.R., Chikulo, B.C. (eds) Corruption and Development in Africa. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780333982440_2

Njangang, H., Asongu, S. A., & Mouchili, E. (2024). Does corruption starve Africa? The mitigating effect of political distribution of power. Journal of policy modeling, 46(1), 171-197.

Transparency International, June 2024. Left Behind. Corruption in education and health services in Africa.  Available online at: https://images.transparencycdn.org/images/Report-LeftBehind-Corruption-in-Africa.pdf

The East Africa, June 18, 2025:  Africa loses $120bn to graft.  Available online at: https://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/tea/business-tech/africa-loses-120bn-to-graft-5085874

Hi-Speed Institutions - for Hi-Speed Development

Dear All,

The creation of the African Union is a fantastic achievement.

The African Union has in record speed booked its first gigantic World success in creating a United African Market: The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). 

We must build on the African Union - make it powerful.

This means strengthening Africa's Unity and Africa's Capability all the way from the smallest village and up to the United African institutions of the Continent.

Things must happen fast now - we must build on.

Immediately we must now take the next big leap for a super African action-capability - to change gear into Hi-Speed.

Hi-Speed Development requires Hi-Speed Institutions.

Africa has a legacy of no less than 8 Regional Economic Communities (RECs). These regional communities were good as a step until the African Union was born. Africa's 8 RECs have served Africa well in trade, culture and cooperation. Remarkable work has been and is being done in the RECs.  We now need to put these great regional efforts into much higher effectiveness. Only the best is acceptable.

At top level - the African Union most be strengthened further. To direct a strong strategy for the whole Continent - and we must ensure that the Regional Structure of the Continent effectively can combine Union - Regional - and State levels into one strong organization with  maximum punch.  Africa must have maximum punch - because we want to catch up and surpass China, East Asia and the West.

This is ambitious - it must be.

We must create an even more effective structure of Continental & Regional Organization. More tasks must be transfered from the REC to Union level. Tasks like trade (ex. AfCFTA) and passport-unity are already widely been taken over by the AU. More tasks must go to the African Union. At the same time, a much stronger and new task-portfolio must be put to the RECs. We must quickly implement decisive changes in the structure of the RECs, so that new RECs can handle their manu new roles with maximum effectiveness. We need maximum effectiveness - nothing less.

The responsibilities and tasks of the existing 8 RECs are overlapping, potentially conflictual, and at any rate the existing REC structure is a waste of money, time and energy - all of which Africa has too little of. 

In principle, the African Union could coordinate the whole continent without any of the REC.  We could choose to delete all the RECs and coordinate all African states through the Union. Compare for instance with the USA. The USA has about same number of political units as Africa has - the USA is 50 states plus the areas of Washington DC, Puerto Rico, Guam, Virgin Islands, and the Samoa - 55 in all. But Africa is not the USA.  We want immensely effective RECs to strengthen the African States and their Regions - bring the African Will up to the Union - and the United Africa out across all Regional contexts.  The RECs must be effective, because they must take on a much bigger burden. While the RECs continue to give functions up to the Union level, at the same time, the RECs must take up many more functions and must they must do that achieving an international level of competence which will impress the World. Today's structure of 8 RECs cannot handle what we must do - the people are good, but the structure is no longer the best. We must make sure people have the frame to do their best. We need the best.

Three RECs are enough.

We cannot do with less than three RECs - and anything more than three RECs is will decrease effectiveness.

Please allow me to demonstrate, how Africa can be structured optimally with exactly three RECs :

REC - Region NORTH

REC - Region CENTER

À la suite de la mise en place d’un gouvernement[1], le choix des collaborateurs devient un enjeu majeur. Au Mali, il est admis que le Journal télévisé de 20h de l’ORTM les mercredis est l’une des émissions ayant un taux d’audience élevé en raison des perspectives de nomination en Conseil des ministres et particulièrement après la mise en place d’un nouveau gouvernement.

Pour le cas spécifique des nominations des collaborateurs directs des ministres (membres des Cabinets et Secrétariats généraux ministériels), il faut noter que ce processus obéit en principe à deux enjeux majeurs que sont la Compétence et l’Ethique publique au regard de la complexité du monde et de la gestion des organisations publiques modernes.

Le choix des collaborateurs directs du ministre : une exigence de compétence

Comme le mentionnent Théorêt et Lafrance (2006)[2], si par le passé le choix des collaborateurs des responsables politiques (Président, Premier ministre et ministres) se fondait plus sur leur loyauté, ce choix est aujourd’hui davantage plus motivé par la compétence. De nos jours, la gestion des affaires de l’État est extrêmement complexe avec une divergence d’intérêts des différents groupes d’acteurs et des enjeux internationaux très pesants (faiblesse des ressources de l’État, demandes croissantes des syndicats, défiance des populations, exigences des partenaires techniques et financiers, pression des réseaux sociaux, etc.). La prise de décisions dans un tel environnement commande donc des conseils de tous ordres, offerts par des collaborateurs très compétents, c’est-à-dire des gens qui sont en mesure de considérer non seulement les aspects techniques des propositions (légalité, efficacité et efficience), mais aussi leurs aspects politiques (conséquences sur les différents groupes que forme la population ou sur l’opinion publique).

Au Mali, cette exigence de compétence est circonscrite par les décrets n°94-201/P-RM du 03 juin 1994[3] et n°94-202/P-RM du 03 juin 1994[4] fixant respectivement les règles générales d’organisation et de fonctionnement des cabinets ministériels d’une part et des secrétariats généraux des départements ministériels d’autre part. Ainsi, l’article 4 du décret n°94-201/P-RM du 03 juin 1994 précise que les membres des Cabinets ministériels (Chef de Cabinet, Chargés de mission) doivent posséder les compétences et la formation requises pour occuper les emplois réservés aux fonctionnaires de la catégorie A. Dans le même sens, l’article 3 du décret n°94-202/P-RM du 03 juin 1994 mentionne que les secrétaires généraux sont choisis parmi les fonctionnaires de la catégorie A du statut général des fonctionnaires et les magistrats du statut particulier de la magistrature ayant au moins dix (10) années d'ancienneté de service effectif, les officiers généraux et supérieurs des forces armées et de sécurité et les fonctionnaires de la police ayant au moins atteint le grade de Commissaire divisionnaire. Les Conseillers techniques pour leur part sont choisis parmi les fonctionnaires de la catégorie A du statut général de la fonction publique, du statut de la police, les magistrats et les officiers des forces armées et de sécurité. Comme on le voit bien, ces deux décrets mettent un accent particulier sur la compétence en exigeant le niveau de la catégorie A de la fonction publique pour les membres des cabinets et secrétariats généraux des ministères. Néanmoins, si cette compétence à la fois technique et même politique constitue la base du choix des collaborateurs directs du ministre, de plus en plus la dimension éthique prend une place robuste dans les critères dans cette désignation.

Le choix des collaborateurs directs du ministre : une exigence d’éthique publique

Outre la compétence, l’exemplarité et le courage éthique constituent des critères fondamentaux de choix des collaborateurs directs des responsables politiques (Président de la République, Premier ministre et ministres). Ici, l’éthique se fonde sur le leadership exemplaire, l’intégrité et l’honnêteté, la responsabilité, le respect de la confidentialité et la promotion de la transparence. Pour ce faire, comme le mentionne Boisvert (2009)[5], l’amitié, la partisanerie ou l’affiliation sociale ne doivent pas être des critères de sélection, mais la compétence, l’intégrité et le dévouement. Une telle sélection (choix rigoureux) est le meilleur moyen d’éviter les dérapages. Or, dans la pratique, beaucoup de ministres aiment s’entourer de collaborateurs directs adorateurs ou des PAC (parent, ami ou connaissance)[6], ce qui les rend vulnérables. Car dans ses relations avec les membres du cabinet et du secrétariat général, la probité intellectuelle est essentielle, autrement dit, dire tout haut ce que l’on pense, même si cela va à l’encontre des tendances, l’important étant de rester dans une logique de respect, de loyauté et de confidentialité. Ceci est d’autant plus important que les décisions que prend chaque ministre ont un impact direct sur la crédibilité de l’ensemble du Gouvernement. Ainsi, chaque décision du ministère doit avoir une assise légale solide, une portée politique acceptable et une dimension éthique irréprochable. Autrement dit, quand un ministre n’est pas en mesure de défendre quelque chose qui s’est passé dans son ministère, il n’a d’autres choix en principe que de démissionner, car cela démontre qu’il n'a pas le contrôle de ses dossiers.

Comme on le voit, le choix des collaborateurs directs des ministres apparaît plus complexe qu’on peut le penser. Cette entreprise doit être conduite avec parcimonie en tenant compte des critères de compétence ²notamment le niveau de la catégorie A de la fonction publique, mais aussi surtout d’éthique publique, c’est-à-dire une considération très poussée du leadership exemplaire, de l’intégrité et de l’honnêteté, de la responsabilité, du respect de la confidentialité et de la promotion de la transparence. Car en ces temps d’immédiateté des réseaux sociaux où les faits et gestes de l’agent public sont scrutés à temps réel, la rigueur doit être de mise.    

[1] Coulibaly, Daouda. 2020. Équipe Gouvernementale au Mali : Entre Cohérence et Co-errance ! 

[2] Théorêt, Yves et André Lafrance. 2006. Les éminences grises à l’ombre du pouvoir. PUQ

[3] Décret n° 94 – 201 / PR-M fixant les règles générales d’organisation et de fonctionnement des cabinets ministériels

[4] Décret n° 94-202 / PR-M fixant les règles générales d’organisation et de fonctionnement des Secrétariats généraux des départements ministériels

[5] Boisvert, Yves. 2009. La face cachée des élus : Engagement, responsabilité et comportement éthique. PUQ

[6] Olivier de Sardan, Jean-Pierre. 2004. État, bureaucratie et gouvernance en Afrique de l'Ouest francophone : Un diagnostic empirique, une perspective historique.

The Parallel

Now when I walk down 40^th Street in the morning hours of the day I imagine what the community looked like when John Africa and Black Panthers held down this section of West Philly with the physical presence of Black solidarity.  Living down the bottom again has forced the resurfacing of many thoughts and emotions about the community, my family, and the dichotomy of genocide-Black on Black violence.  Race relations between law enforcement officials and Black Americans have remained tenuous, especially due to the recent unwarranted killings of Black Americans by police officers in 2014 and 2015.  Throughout the past 15 years I have consistently delved into the “race problem” for my own understanding –to become more aware of how to constructively interact with the people of various cultures that I encompass.  In 2015 Baltimore was ushered through turmoil following the killing of Freddie Gray by Baltimore police officers.   Internationally, the Black diaspora has reached its tipping point and occurrences resembling the Baltimore “uprising” will be common place.  After the protests in Baltimore several major cities were homes to demonstrations and protests by individuals, groups, and organizations representing the mantra, “Black Lives Matter.”

In Philadelphia I walked through the “Freddie Gray Protest” after I got off work from doing community outreach.  Broad and Spring Garden is where I began to lazily trek my way south to get a bus heading to Camden.  Approaching Callowhill Street I noticed the traffic was congested, people were doing u- turns, and the expressway was blocked off by protesters on Broad and Vine Streets.  As protesters continued to block of the Interstate 676 east entrance the situation escalated and there appeared to be more “white shirts” out than petty officers.  Later that evening I heard about 143 people were arrested for disorderly conduct and related offenses.  Amazingly “the streets” murmured that Jay-Z and Beyoncé bailed out protesters to support the protest efforts against police violence towards Blacks.  Practically the action Jay-Z and Beyoncé made denotes an effective way to use capital to attain cultural progress.  The NAACP dispensed funding to support the financial costs of some historically progressive legislature- namely Brown vs. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas.   Without financial backing it is difficult to launch a campaign against oppression, but will capital secure basic human rights for the un-propertied?

Proceeding southwards on 40^th Street, I approached Lancaster Avenue and the three-story house with a MLK mural; a stance he took when he visited the Ave in the 1960s.  Thinking rhetorically, “John Africa and Mummia-Abu Jamal should have a mural standing side by side on this space,” hovering over the James L. Morse Funeral Home’s parking lot.  The funeral service for an in-law was held at the funeral home back in the 1990s.  There are so many funeral homes in Philadelphia,   for just two blocks up the street-at another funeral home- Lucien Blackwell is colorfully depicted in a Mural that rests on the side of the building on 42^nd Street and Haverford Avenue.

My recollection of the bottom is very near or more rather my memory of the bottom guides my instincts, motivation, and the energy I emit into the community.   Some of the experiences I endured living around “39 Black-” the black side of 39^th Street definitely created a desire in me to see the community exist in a better light.  In June 2015 there were pictures on social media (Facebook) that showed my high school Uni being demolished.  In silence I sat on the Route 10 trolley feeling enraged; passing the building in its demolition phase,    I peered left and thought about the $160 my family had to pay for class dues.  After all, part of the money was supposed to be used to purchase a gift for the school.  What happened to all the gifts, trophies, banners, year books and memorabilia? Maybe it’ll be housed in the archives of the Philadelphia Free Library.  In recognizing that art needs to be appreciated in a bottom-to-top fashion as Harold Cruse concedes in Crisis of the Negro intellectual, I also believe the artist represents the voice of the people and Nas poignantly finessed in conveying a perspective in the lyric, “schools where I learned they should be burned  cause it’s poison.”  Where will the school to replace it go?  What will the name of the new school be?

Choosing to live in West Philadelphia again was what moving to California was for George Jackson, a place to live, but also a place to spend the remainder of one’s years.  Given that my maternal family is from Ogden Street and my paternal family is from Brooklyn Street, existentially I see myself as starting from the ground up-to help build and preserve Black culture.  I had some of the best experiences of my childhood in the streets I walk through daily as I head to ventures around town.    Where are they now;  all of Tyiene’s friends, the kids I went to high school with, the previous owners of “8 Brothers”  the owners of the store that sold liquidated clothes that were faded?  Every walking trip I take toward Market Street and back I glance at the old house on Powelton Avenue, thinking, wow-“settler colonialism.”

The Getty gas station can’t seem to keep a tenant it its auto repair space, so I guess they raised their rents too!  Since 1993 the Red Cross building replaced the vacant lot we used to play baseball with rocks on.  First there was a huge mural that had a black boy looking like he was shooting a basketball, but there was no basketball-his hands were just extended above his head and shoulders.  The writing said, “I am large, I contain multitudes!”  A replica of that same mural is on the Red Cross building on its side.  I know where some of us are; “Pop-Pop;” Uncle Cliff; Aunt Sylvia; Aunt Janet; Aunt Debbie; Mom; Uncle Fish; Uncle Alex; Uncle Carey; Aunt Retha and Tyiene have all left the village in the physical.  These are just some of my relatives from down-the-way.  An interesting conversation I could have- about how the neighborhood has transformed- would be one with my Uncle Lem, who has witnessed how the culture has changed over time in West Philly.

Where are they now; Prophets of the Ghetto; “SPIKE;” “MAD;” ANS Crew; TEF; PDF; the Blackwells,  and Uncle Mike’s friend from 40^th and Baring Streets that used to sit in the chair all day-whose house was “settler-colonized” as well.  Finally getting to talk to my Uncle Lem, I realized that it was several years since I last spoke with him.  When one misses a family reunion in my family they miss out on a lot.  The last time I spoke with him was in 2012 when he was running for office-right before I moved to 22^nd Street and Lehigh Avenue.  I asked uncle Lem about where the Black Panthers and John Africa’s of my generation were.  He replied, “The drugs created a lot of conflict within the culture which led to violence in our communities and neighborhoods.”  I agree!  The focus of my generation and the generation thereafter has shifted to a senseless whirlwind of confusion.  To create change in the Black community stellar folk have to consistently be that change.  Even as the act of being a catalyst for change is an intra-cultural revolutionary act in and of itself, a balance of action must be obtained to work out a compromise of some sort on the community level between factions for the sake of cultural solidarity.  Will the next John Africa please stand up, so the public can take notice of healthy diets, environmentalism, and awareness of police brutality against the Black community? 

Running out of the house to get into a waiting car I noticed a European gentleman conversing with my neighbor about some election literature they were discussing.  In a hurry, I introduced myself to the gentleman, extended my contact information to him, and told him, “I’ll get in contact with you.  The candidate was familiar with the organization I work for, so he may have an idea about the conversation I plan to have with him.  This August there will be a special election to fill a state representative slot in Pennsylvania’s 195^th district.  The candidates are Donna Bullock and Adam Lang.  Thus far I have never seen Donna Bullock , and I find it ironic that Lang can be found canvassing the streets of the bottom, but his opponent is nowhere in my sight.  Black communities should have Black politicians that represent the community, by way of disseminating information, and providing hands-on community building opportunities such representatives should help communities become self-sustaining.   West Philadelphia is a community that has remained on the waiting list to get restructured, for investments and improvements have been made, however, how have these changes affected the overall well-being of the community?   Through the promotion of and encouraging the creation of community member owned businesses, business will be in a position to hire community members that otherwise travel to suburbia, across town, or even out of state to find gainful employment.

Political districts that are historically Black are facing displacement as “hood-hoppers” and “settler-colonists” wrestle for prime property lots and opportunities to control the restructuring of West Philadelphia’s neighborhoods.  The election of a non-black candidate will disrupt the natural order of how politics (war without bloodshed) were handled in Black communities.  In the absence of non-critical thought what remains obvious is that Black communities in West Philadelphia have remained in their status quo.  Essentially some lack-luster politicians have performed a mediocre job of propelling the culture forward in West Philadelphia.  It would be impossible locally to have peace and all community members adequately getting their needs met at the same time.  This brings me to farce of the Philadelphia tax that in estimate is roughly a bill that competes with the same costs of public transportation to work or even a monthly cell phone bill-bi-weekly.  The bureaucratic methods used to captivate Philadelphia’s residents must be challenged.  Does Bullock or Lang have the fortitude to address issues, get issues resolved, or organize and mobilize community members’ effort, perspectives and capital to gain foreground in an emerging totalitarian atmosphere.   Moreover, the election of a non-black politician constitutes a revolutionary act; such action would further mark an era of retrograde and reactionary politics in an area of Black human activity.

West Philadelphia needs to see cultural progress, but can progress exist beyond dialectical materialism, especially while countering the factors that necessitates the public’s insatiable desire for the commoditization of goods.  Hope is what Obama brought to the bottom, but what has the hope materialized into.  As I have returned to the neighborhood at the concluding years of Obama’s tenure in the White House I search vigorously for the change that was to take place.  I voted for Obama at the church on 41^st and Brown Sts in 2008.  The era of Obama’s name repeated on the “A-Milli” beat, Hope posters of Obama by Obey, and the hiatus of imperial Casanova persuaders has produced an effect in West Philadelphia.  For starters the physical landscape has remained the same with the exception of Imperial Casanova Persuaders resurfacing.  Hope that some community members possessed turned into despair as opportunities for economic advancement are not existent.  What I hope for is the creation of Black owned businesses in my neighborhood that supports and employs the community.  Now there are Black owned businesses if one classifies the infamous Chinese sand Dominican stores, yet these venues are not in the practice of equal opportunity employment.  Further, given the tax breaks that immigrant merchants receive, there is no tax base in the inner city.  This translates to an inquiry of whether or not owning and operating a business is tangible for Blacks.

As a community member I believe cultural progress highlights the strength of a culture to sustain itself by growing and selling food; making and selling clothes; building and selling homes; and making medical innovations for self-care.  If successful cultural and ethnic minorities exist in America’s inner cities their blueprint to success should be shared.  When Black kids attend public schools they are often encouraged (socialized) to leave the neighborhood or more proverbially “get out of the hood” when they become successful-to seek the materializing of their dreams and goals, yet where will they go?  Ironically, one may have the skills and wherewithal to affect change the world over, but what is there to be said of such individuals that can impact and influence the world but appear asinine in their immediate community.  The age of Ben Carson’s rhetoric and notions of rugged individualism are dead and as community members of West Philadelphia we must erect a rigid set of standards for community living, community building, and living peacefully in solidarity.  Several reputable blueprints have been provided for us to create a cultural platform with, but who will rise to the challenge; who are these community members; and where are the Stakeholders of Black culture now?

Les membres dynamiques et actifs de la société civile de Mauritanie viennent s'inscrire au réseau de ATTN. Zeinabou Taleb Moussa vient rejoindre le groupe de Mauritaniens à ATTN et l'effectif est de cinq Mauritaniens et tenez vous vous bien une excellente présence du genre (Hawa Sidibé, Siniya Haidara et Zeinabou Taleb Moussa pour les femmes et du côté des hommes au nombre de 2, Mohamed Abdellahi Ould EYIL et Moctar Mamadou Diallo soit un effectif de 5 membres pour les Mauritaniens. Je me félicite de l'engouement des Mauritaniens de venir élargir la famille ATTN. Bravo aux femmes de Mauritanie toutes membres de la Société civile dont je suis le Point Focal.

A mon nom et à celui du coordinateur du réseau de ATTN Mr Barassou Diawara et son Staff, nous souhaitons à Seniya Haidara la bienvenue. Seniya est une brillante actrice de la SC dévolue à la cause des populations.

Nous félicitations ton inscription au réseau ATTN et nous espérons que tu saisras toutes les opportunités et avantages qu'offre ce réseau pour ton intérêt et celui des membres de ton organisation. Nous te souhaitons de faire bon usage et nous te réitèrons nos félicitations. 

Cordialement

Me Moctar Mamadou Diallo, Point Focal de la SC de Mauritanie tele, 00222 46793748

Bonjour

Quel plaisir de voir parmi les membres de ATTN deux Mauritaniens notamment Mr Mohamed Yahya OULD EL EYIL Yahya et Mme Hawa Sidibé deux acteurs dynamiques de la Société Civile de Mauritanie qui sont connus pour leurs engagements citoyens et leurs dynamismes dans les appuis apportés à nos populations pour leurs apporter un bien être et les sortir de la précarité.

En ma qualité de Point Focal de la SC de Mauritanie et ma proximité avec ces deux acteurs qui sont en plus d'être des confrères sont mes amis, ce qui nous amène à collaborer et faire oeuvre commune dans le cadre du Réseau ATTN Mauritanie pour constituer une force de proposition contributive pour le développement de ATTN/Pays (Mauritanie).

Cordialement

Me Moctar Mamadou Diallo: Point Focal de la SC de Mauritanie

On April 6-8, 2015, the African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF), the Think Tanks and Civil Societies Program (TTCSP) of the University of Pennsylvania and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) organized the Second Africa Think Tanks Summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The main objective was to offer an opportunity for Africa’s think tanks to take a step back and consider the implications of the new dynamism taking place in the continent on the nature and content of their work.

One of the critical issues in the agenda of the Summit was to reflect on how Africa’s think tanks can best support Africa’s development priorities as reflected in the 2063 Agenda and Africa’s position in shaping the post-2015 agenda.

The post-2015 SDGs and Africa’s Agenda 2063 are aspirational goals stretching into the long term, leaving countries with space to seek their own paths. While the SDGs are global, Africa’s Agenda 2063 is the continent’s common vision, laying out an African-centered agenda, breaking from the past where development thinking on the continent was shaped by non-African agendas.

Within this framework, African think tanks can play a critical role as organizations designed for and capable of long-term thinking and reflection. Here, the transformation of Africa should be central to think tank agendas, helping the governments of the continent better position Africa in relation to the world, by offering bold ideas, optimism about the future, and changing the prevailing pessimistic impressions about the continent.

Insights offered by Summit participants covered some practical aspects of this scenario:

• Not all actors, both in Government and civil society, are fully aware of Agenda 2063 and its importance in shaping Africa’s future. Many perceive that it was prepared as a top-down effort from the African Union with little “grassroot” relevance. Think tanks have a role to play in moving Agenda 2063 out of the confines of the African Union, and helping to ensure that all Africans embrace it as a common vision. These actors can also help institutions assess the capacity Africa requires for its development over the coming years. Finally, they can formulate strategies and other conceptual entry points to promote the vision’s success.
• Think tanks could strategize how best to bring women and youth to the center stage in discussions regarding the future of the continent. They can look into the role of technology, and how to maximize its benefits for society. Think tanks can assess future leadership capacities- transforming educational paradigms to propel the country’s development forward, and the skills for achieving greater leaps in technology.
• While acknowledging the challenges faced by policy makers, who must navigate competing policy needs, think tanks could also address the demands of policy development. Think Tanks could extend their target audiences beyond formal policy makers to reach other critical decision-makers and agenda setters – informal leaders in the public sphere, private sector and the broader civil society. Ultimately the nation’s citizens are the voters who keep political parties in power. To bring civil society to the table, think tanks need to speak in a language the people understand, and help them appreciate the value of think tanks to the national development efforts as both influencers and catalysts of public opinion.
• When people do not understand their institutions, they will not benefit from them. Rather than reinforcing values and institutional constructs brought in from colonial times, African think tanks could lead in articulating an African approach and viewpoint, to help shape African institutions around an African cultural identity.

The vision of Agenda 2063 should be an aspiration that corresponds to an ambition and opportunity for think tanks. Think tanks could aim to liberate the African people to ‘think big.’ However, for such a liberation, think tanks need to define the transformative proposal with clarity, taking advantage of the major trends to help provide a thorough understanding of the agenda.

The First Africa Think Tank Summit was held in Pretoria, South Africa, on the theme:  Think tanks and the Transformation of Africa. The Summit was co-organized in Pretoria, South Africa, on February 3-5, 2014 by the African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF), the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), the Think Tanks and Civil Societies Program (TTCSP), and the African Leadership Centre (ALC). The Pretoria Summit was followed by the Second Africa Think Tanks Summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The Addis Ababa Summit was organized on April 6-8, 2015 by ACBF and TTCSP, and hosted by the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA). The theme of the Second Africa Think Tank Summit was the Rise of Africa’s Think Tanks – Practical Solutions to Practical Problems.

Both Summits offered an opportunity for Africa’s think tanks to exchange ideas and experiences on various strategic issues and consider the implications of the new dynamism taking place on the continent regarding the nature and breadth of their work. Both the Summits recognized the need for Africa’s think thanks to pay attention on new media and technology.

Discussions during the Summits recommended African think tanks to take advantage of the major potential that new media and technology offer. Such technology could provide think tanks with valuable tools for more effective communication and dissemination of research useful in engaging key stakeholders. Social media also has the capacity of creating dialogue among diverse groups and fostering organic and innovative solutions.

New media offers an opportunity to target policymakers. Think tanks are therefore advised to use publication means such as monographs, or multimedia forms to communicate the most important recommendations from their research. Technology also provides think tanks a platform to reach out more effectively to potential donors.

Recommendations from the First Summit recognized that while technology has much to offer, it must be used strategically and appropriately in order to reach different groups: social media may reach a younger contingency, online publications another, and TV and radio a third. It was emphasized that radio as a tool for dissemination can be particularly effective, especially in less-resourced areas. As a number of think tanks simply do not have the resources to connect to this new technology, it was suggested that think tanks form partnerships, which would facilitate sharing.